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1 Scientific and educational forum on international relations System history of international relations in two volumes Volume two. Events of the Years Edited by Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor A.D. Bogaturov 2nd edition Moscow 2009

2 BBK 66.4 (0) -6 * 63.3 С34 Editorial Board Academician G.A. Arbatov, Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences V.G. Baranovsky, Doctor of Pol. A.D.Bogaturov, Corresponding Member of RAS A.A. Dynkin, D.Sc. A.Yu. Melville, Doctor of History M.G. Nosov, Academician N.A. Simonia, Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences A.V. Torkunov, D.Sc. I.G. Tyulin, D.Sc. T. A. Shakleina, Ph.D. M. A. Khrustalev, Academician A. O. Chubaryan Authors: Candidate of Historical Sciences and I. Batyuk (Ch. 1, 10, 11), A. D. Bogaturov (introduction, Ch. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 12, 13, closed), Ph.D. T.V. Bordachev (Ch. 10.11), Doctor of History V.G. Korgun (chap. 3, 9, 11), Doctor of History VB Knyazhinsky (Chapter 1), Doctor of History S. I. Lunev (chap. 3, 7), Doctor of Science B.F. Martynov (chap. 7, 10), Ph.D. D.V. Polikanov (chap. 7, 9), P.E. Smirnov (chap. 1, 2, 5, 10), D.Sc. T. A. Shakleina (chap. 10, 11), Doctor of Science M.A. Khrustalev (chap. 3, 6, 7, 8), Doctor of History A.A. Yazkova (ch. 9) Chronology compiled by Ph.D. Yu.V. Ustinova and Ph.D. A.A. Sokolov Name index compiled by A.A. Sokolov C34 System history of international relations in two volumes / Edited by A.D. Bogaturov. Volume two. Events of the years. Ed. 2nd. M .: Cultural revolution, p. ISBN This edition is a two-volume version of the four-volume edition of the same name, published over the years and has long won the recognition of readers. This is the first attempt since 1991 to comprehensively study the history of international relations in the last eight decades of the 20th century. The second volume examines the period from the end of World War II to the middle of the first decade of the 21st century. Particular attention is paid to the formation and evolution of the Yalta-Potsdam order, the emergence of "confrontational stability" in years., The international consequences of the collapse of the USSR and the formation of a new world order. The book examines issues of international relations in regional subsystems in Europe, East Asia, the Near and Middle East, Latin America and Africa. The publication is addressed to specialists and a wide range of readers, teachers, researchers, students, undergraduates and graduate students of humanitarian universities and everyone who is interested in the history of diplomacy and foreign policy of Russia. A.D.Bogaturov, 2000, 2006 Cultural Revolution, 2009

3 Table of Contents with Foreword Introduction. Change of order in the international system Section I. Attempt to create a global order and its failure Chapter 1. Contradictions of the post-war settlement () Creation of the foundations of world economic regulation at the final stage of World War II. Bretton Woods system (25). Position Soviet Union in relation to the Bretton Woods system (27). Contractual and legal basis of relations between the great powers (29). 1945 San Francisco Conference and the creation of the UN (30). Features of the functioning of the UN (30). The ratio of the capabilities of the USA and the USSR (31). Features of the post-war situation in Western Europe (32). Soviet and American perceptions of potential military threats (37). Features of international decisions on the German question in 1945 (38). The ripening of controversies in the settlement of Germany (40). The situation around Austria (42). The question of the former Italian colonies (42). Dispute over Trieste (43). The emergence of the concept of "containment" of the USSR. Kennan's Long Telegram (45). Aggravation of the issue of the presence of Soviet troops in Iran (47). Attempts to limit the role of the nuclear factor in international relations (48). The "Baruch Plan" and the disruption of the UN Commission on atomic energy (49). The Greek question in relations between the great powers (51). Diplomatic conflict between the USSR and Turkey (52). The question of diplomatic recognition of Eastern European countries (54). The situation in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (55). The situation in the Soviet Baltic (61). Disagreements over the negotiation of peace treaties with Germany's European allies. Paris Conference of 1946 (62). The question of the Italo-Yugoslav border and the completion of work on draft peace treaties with the German allies (64). Aggravation of disagreements on the German question (66). Discrepancies among western countries on the problems of German politics (66). Chapter 2. The initial stage of the formation of bipolarity () Prerequisites for the transformation of political regimes in Eastern European countries (69). The defeat of non-communist forces at all

4 4 Table of contents of the general elections in Poland on January 19, 1947 and its consequences (71). Signing of peace treaties with former German allies (72). Territorial changes in Europe based on the decisions of (73). Dunkirk Pact between France and Great Britain (79). Announcement of the "Truman Doctrine" and activation of US foreign policy (80). Marshall Plan (81). Creation of the Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) (84). The meaning of the "Marshall Plan" (84). The turning point in Eastern Europe and the formation of the Cominform (85). The formation of the government of "Free Greece" in Thessaloniki (87). The German question at the sessions of the Ministerial Council in 1947 (88). Coup d'état in Czechoslovakia (88). The emergence of the Soviet-Yugoslav conflict (90). Preparation and conclusion of the Brussels Pact (92). The European idea in international relations of the 40s (94). Separate meeting of the six Western powers on Germany in London (94). Aggravation of the German question and the first Berlin crisis (96). Signing of the Danube Convention (98). Formation of a system of cross agreements between Eastern European countries (99). The internal political situation in the USSR and the countries of Eastern Europe at the end of the 40s and its influence on international relations (100). Creation of CMEA (104). The 1949 Washington Conference and the Formation of NATO (104). Foreign policy views of the American elite and the ideologization of the Soviet-American confrontation (106). Activation of international anti-war social movements (107). Creation of the Council of Europe (108). Preparations for the creation of a separate West German state and the proclamation of the FRG (108). The international situation by the fall of 1949 and the transformation of the USSR into a nuclear power (109). Formation of the GDR and the end of the political split in Germany (110). Yugoslavia's withdrawal from diplomatic isolation and the emergence of the Yugoslav policy of non-alignment (110). Chapter 3. Extension of the bipolar confrontation to East Asia and the periphery of the international system () The situation in East Asia after the end of World War II (113). Approaches of the USSR and the USA to the regional situation (114). The policy of the leading powers in matters of a peaceful settlement with Japan (115). The civil war in China and the destabilization of the East Asian subsystem (117). Conflict over the declaration of independence of Indonesia (120). The emergence of the communist enclave in French Indochina and the beginning of the revolutionary liberation war against France in North Vietnam (122). United States granting independence to the Philippines (123). The situation in Malaya (124). Split Korea (124). The formation of the PRC and the split in China (126). 2. The international position of India at the time of the end of the world war (130). British Indian Independence Act and State Delimitation in South Asia (131). First Indian-Pakistani

5th war (132). Formation and features of India's foreign policy orientation (133). Sino-Indian contradictions in Tibet (134). 3. The situation in the Middle East (135). Foreign policy orientation of Iran after the withdrawal of foreign troops from the country (136). Formation of Iranian policy of "positive nationalism" (138). Features of Afghan neutrality after World War II (140). 4. Shifts in the Middle East subsystem and the consolidation of the Arab countries on a national-state basis (141). Palestine problem after World War II (143). First Arab-Israeli War (145). Aggravation of relations between Egypt and Great Britain and the coup of the "Free Officers" (147). 5. Inter-American relations at the end of the 40s. The signing of the Rio Pact and the creation of the OAS (148). Peculiarities of relations between Latin American countries and the United States (149). 6. The Korean question in relations between the leading powers (150). The beginning of the Korean War (151). China's entry into the war and MacArthur's ultimatum (153). Non-regional aspects of the Korean War (154). 7. Intensification of the American policy of a peaceful settlement with Japan (156). Conclusion of the ANZUS agreement (157). Preparation and holding of the San Francisco Peace Conference (158). Conclusion of an alliance agreement between Japan and the United States (160). Completion of the formation of a network of guarantee agreements against Japan (160). The formation of the San Francisco order and its features (161). Chapter 4. Structural design of the two-block system () The international political situation in Western Europe during the Korean War (164). The problem of Germany's "return" to Europe (166). Tightening of US approaches to international politics (168). Changes in NATO policy towards Spain and the American policy of "strengthening the flanks" (171). The emergence of Western European integration and the creation of the European Community (association) of coal and steel (173). The project of creating a unified European army ("Plan of Pleven") (174). Signing of the Bonn Treaty to end the occupation status of Germany and the Paris Treaty on the European Defense Community (176). Change of political leadership in the USSR (178). The adoption by the US Republican administration of the concept of "rolling back communism" (178). The beginning of de-Stalinization in Eastern Europe and anti-government demonstrations in 1953 in the GDR (181). The beginning of the peaceful diplomatic offensive of the USSR (183). Intensification of national liberation processes on the periphery of the international system (185). American Domino Doctrine (185). The fall of the monarchy in Egypt (186). Sino-Indian compromise in Tibet (187). Escalation of the Vietnam conflict (188). Geneva Conference on Indochina and Korea and its results (189). US intervention in Guatemala (191). Failure of the European Defense Cooperation 5

6 6 Table of contents of the society (192). Preparation and conclusion of the Manila Pact (194). Preparation for the acceptance of the FRG into the military-political structures of the West (196). The signing of the 1954 Paris Protocols on the FRG's entry into the Western Union and NATO (197). The concept of "double containment" (197). The beginning of the war in Algeria (198). Creation of the Baghdad Pact (199). Bandung Conference of Asia and Africa (200). Signing of the Warsaw Pact (202). Resolution of the Austrian problem (203). Normalization of relations between the USSR and Yugoslavia (204). Conference of the ECSC countries in Messina (205). Geneva Summit (206). Normalization of relations between the Soviet Union and the FRG (207) Section II. Balancing on the brink of war Chapter 5. Contradictions of "competitive coexistence" () Foreign policy program of "peaceful coexistence" (210). Destalinization and "crises of hope" in the "socialist community" (212). Dissolution of the Cominform and disagreements in the "socialist camp" over the criticism of J.V. Stalin (214). Conflict in Poland (214). Soviet intervention in Hungary (216). Modernization of Soviet policy in Eastern Europe (219). Restoration of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Japan (220). "Suez Crisis" in the Middle East (221). Positions of the USSR and the USA regarding the situation around the Suez Canal (222). The Eisenhower Doctrine (224). Aggravation of the Afghan-Pakistani contradictions and the strengthening of the influence of the USSR in Afghanistan (225). Strengthening integration trends in Western Europe and the formation of the EEC (227). Tests of ICBMs in the Soviet Union and changes in the global military-strategic environment (230). Deployment of American Nuclear Weapons in Europe (232). Aggravation of the German problem (233). UAR formation and Lebanese crisis (234). Taiwan Crisis (236). Attempt to reorganize the colonial empire of France (239). Tightening of the position of the USSR on West Berlin (240). The situation in South-East Asia in the second half of the 50s (241). Chapter 6. Displacement of conflict in the zone of international periphery () Revolution in Cuba (245). Attempts to compromise on the German question (246). The growing disagreement between the USSR and the PRC (248). Preparation and holding of the first Soviet-American summit (248). New conflict China and India in Tibet (250). Aggravation of Soviet-Japanese relations (251). Preparation and disruption of the Paris Summit Conference (252). The spread of the anti-colonial wave to Africa (253). The outbreak of the conflict in the Congo (254). Decolonization issues in the UN activities (258). Formation of a conflict node in the Middle East around Iraq (258). Development in

7 US concept of "flexible response" (260). Discrepancies between the USA and Western European countries on military-political issues (262). The Soviet-American meeting in Vienna and the "second Berlin crisis" (264). The emergence of the Non-Aligned Movement (266). Soviet-Albanian political conflict (267). Formation of two approaches to European integration (267). Settlement of the conflict in Algeria (267). Attempts to normalize the situation in Indochina and the signing of the Geneva Agreements on Laos (269). Conflict in Yemen (270). Cuban missile crisis (271). Discussion on "multilateral nuclear forces" and the "Nassau Pact" (274) Section III. Confrontational stability Chapter 7. Formation of the ryazryadka policy () An attempt to form a Franco-West German "axis" and its failure (279). Modernization of the foreign policy of the USSR and the USA (281). Mutually Assured Destruction Doctrine (282). Conclusion of the Treaty on the Limitation of Nuclear Weapon Tests (283). Aggravation of the conflict in Cyprus (286). Formation of UNCTAD (287). Rising tensions around Vietnam and the beginning of the Vietnam-American conflict (288). Transition of the Soviet-Chinese differences into open confrontation (289). The beginning of the US war in Vietnam (292). Stabilization of the situation in the Congo (293). Indo-Pakistani War (294). Events in Indonesia (296). Contradictions in the process of deepening Western European integration and the "Luxembourg compromise" (298). Withdrawal of France from the military organization NATO (300). Soviet-French rapprochement (302). Treaty on the Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space (303). "Authoritarian wave" in Latin America and the conclusion of the "Treaty of Tlatelolco" (304). The fight against apartheid in southern Africa (307). Conflict in Nigeria (309). Aggravation of the situation in the Middle East. The Six Day War (311). The problem of the Arab people of Palestine (314). Soviet-American meeting at Glasboro (315). The ATM and NATO countries' approach to the situation in Europe (316). ASEAN Education (318). An attempt at a settlement in Vietnam and an increase in anti-war protests in the United States (318). The worldwide wave of leftist protest sentiments (the "world revolution of 1968") and its impact on international relations (321). Conclusion of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (323). Attempts at internal reforms in Hungary and Czechoslovakia and their consequences (324). The doctrine of "socialist internationalism" (326). Disruption of the Soviet-American Summit (328). Chapter 8. Stabilization of the international system () Aggravation of Soviet-Chinese relations (330). The emergence of a pan-European process (332). R. Nixon's "Guam Doctrine" (333). Kulmina

8 8 Table of contents of the Soviet-Chinese confrontation (335). Formation of the "new eastern policy" of the FRG (336). Bretton Woods Crisis (338). The human rights movement in the USSR and its influence on the international relations of the Soviet Union (339). The second stage of Western European integration (341). International legal consolidation of the post-war borders of Germany (343). Conflict around the PLO in Jordan (345). Legalization of the policy of detente at the 24th Congress of the CPSU (347). Formation of a system of consultative pacts of the USSR with non-socialist countries (348). Formation of Bangladesh and the Indo-Pakistani War (349). Normalization of US-China Relations (351). A new correlation of the power capabilities of the USSR and the USA and the formation of the concept of "strategic parity" (352). Soviet-American rapprochement (353). Normalization of relations between the PRC and Japan (358). Signing of the Paris Agreements on Vietnam (358). Development of the Helsinki Process (361). Situation with ensuring human rights in the USSR (362). Formation of the ideological and political trend of "trilateralism" (363). Situation in Latin America (364). The overthrow of the Popular Unity government in Chile (364). Soviet-Japanese summit (366). "October War" in the Middle East (366). The first "oil shock" (371). Chapter 9. Contradictions of detente and its crisis () Coordination of foreign policies of industrial states in the conditions of the "energy crisis" (374). Aggravation of the situation in Cyprus (375). Putting forward the idea of \u200b\u200ba "new international economic order" of the UN General Assembly (377). The emergence of a "pause" in Soviet-American relations and the growth of disagreements on human rights issues (378). The emergence of a network of partnerships between the USSR and African countries (380). Signing of the Helsinki Act (384). The fall of the dictatorship in Spain (387). The rise of neutralism in Southeast Asia (387). The unification of Vietnam and a new aggravation of the situation in Indochina (389). Aggravation of the Soviet-American geopolitical contradictions (391). Formation of "Eurocommunism" and its international political role (392). Human rights issues in international relations (393). Belgrade meeting of the CSCE and the adoption of new constitutions in the "socialist countries" (395). The deepening of Soviet-American contradictions in Africa and the war in the Horn of Africa (397). Rhodesia problem 398 The conclusion of the Japanese-Chinese Treaty of Peace and Friendship (399). The emergence of the Cambodian problem and the Sino-Vietnamese conflict (400). Formation of "triangular" relations between the USSR, the USA and the PRC (402). The Iranian-American conflict and the second "oil shock" (403). The problem of circulation of petrodollars in international relations (405). Soviet-American negotiations "SALT-2" (407). Situation in Latin America (409). Emergence of new hotbeds of instability in the Middle East (411). The problem of "Euro missiles" and the "double solution" of NATO (414). The beginning of the USSR war in Afghanistan and the failure of the policy of detente (416).

9 Chapter 10. Renewal of bipolar confrontation () Foreign policy strategies of the USSR and the USA (420). Afghan question in international relations (423). Worldwide Debt Crisis (424). Polish crisis (425). Sanctions Strategy (428). Attempt to create a US-China quasi-union (429). The emergence of the Central American conflict and its internationalization (430). Iran-Iraq War (421). Start of the Madrid CSCE meeting (433). Soviet-American relations after the change of administration in the United States and the creation of a block of negotiation systems on arms control issues (434). Falklands Crisis (436). Aggravation of conflicts around the PLO in Lebanon and Syria (438). Formation of the policy of "equidistance" in the PRC (441). The deployment of American medium-range missiles in Europe and the culmination of the Soviet-American confrontation (442). Completion of the Madrid CSCE meeting and convocation of the Stockholm Conference on Confidence-Building Measures (444). Expanding the scale of the conflict in Afghanistan (445). Economic depletion and undermining of the foreign policy resources of the Soviet Union (446). The doctrine of "new globalism" in the United States (448). Change of leadership in the USSR and the resumption of dialogue with the West (450). Anti-nuclear trends in the South Pacific and the signing of the Rarotonga Treaty (452). The emergence of economic regionalism in Southeast Asia (453). Development of Western European integration and signing of the Single European Act (455). Chapter 11. The collapse of the Yalta-Potsdam order () The doctrinal foundations of the new foreign policy strategy of the Soviet Union (458). Aggravation environmental issues international security (460). Political and psychological situation in the world in the second half of the 80s (461). Completion of the Stockholm Conference on Confidence-Building Measures and the convening of the OSCE Vienna Meeting (462). Settlement of the Central American conflict (463). Soviet-American relations in the military-political field and the signing of the Washington Treaty on Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles (466). International legal settlement of the situation around Afghanistan (468). Ending foreign intervention in Angola (470). Completion of the Vienna CSCE meeting and change in the USSR's human rights policy (472). New Soviet policy in East Asia and the end of Vietnam's intervention in Cambodia (474). Normalization of relations between the Soviet Union and the PRC (476). Easing tensions in Korea (478). "The doctrine of non-intervention" by MS Gorbachev (479). Anti-communist "revolutions" in the countries of Eastern Europe (480). US intervention in Panama (484). Strengthening regionalist tendencies in Latin America and the restoration of democracy in Chile (485). The emergence of centrifugal tendencies and the threat of collapse in the USSR (488). Unification of Germany (492). Signing of the Treaty of Restriction 9

10 10 Table of contents of conventional armed forces in Europe (495). Charter of Paris for a New Europe (496). Transformation of the apartheid regime in South Africa (497). Evolution of the Middle East Conflict and the Gulf War (497). Beginning of the Madrid Conference on the Middle East (501). Deepening political crisis in the USSR (501). The disintegration of the OVD (503). Conclusion of the Schengen Convention (503). Signing of the Moscow Treaty on the Reduction of Strategic Offensive Arms (START-1) (504). Attempted coup d'etat in the USSR (505). Self-destruction of the USSR and the formation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (506). Breakup of Yugoslavia (507) Section IV. Globalization Chapter 12. The collapse of the bipolar structure () Crisis and reforms in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (514). The beginning of the war in Yugoslavia (517). The transformation of Russian-American relations and the signing of the START II treaty (519). The problem of the nuclear legacy of the USSR (522). Formation of the CIS and the issue of ensuring security in its space (523). Armenian-Azerbaijani war over Nagorno-Karabakh (527). International aspects of the confrontation in Afghanistan (529). Tajik conflict (531). War in Transnistria (534). Ethno-territorial conflicts in Georgia (538). The problem of the rights of the non-indigenous population of the Baltic countries (545). Conclusion of the Maastricht Treaty and creation European Union (548). Strengthening integration groupings in East Asia, North and Latin America (551). American concept of "expanding democracy" (556). Crisis of the UN system and strengthening of mechanisms of informal regulation of international relations (558). Humanitarian intervention in Somalia (560). Normalization of the situation in Cambodia (561). The situation in the Middle East and attempts at reconciliation between Israel and Jordan and the PLO (561). The situation on the Korean Peninsula and the "nuclear alert" 1994 (563). Formation of the Visegrad Group and the Central European Initiative (565). Third EU enlargement (566). Conflict in Bosnia and the first NATO intervention in the Balkans (568). Signing of the treaty on the creation of a nuclear-free zone in Africa (570). Taiwan "missile crisis" and China's pivot to rapprochement with Russia (571). The development of relations in the CIS and the formation of the Union State of Russia and Belarus (574). Preparing for NATO expansion (575). Chapter 13. "Pluralistic unipolarity" () Globalization and the development of international relations between states into a system of world political relations (580). First stage of NATO expansion (562). Change in Iran's foreign policy priorities (584). Normalization of Russian-Ukrainian relations (585). National Reconciliation in Tajikistan (586). Conducted

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This tutorial is a development of the second volume of the two-volume "Systemic history of international relations" edited by A.D. Bogaturov. The corrected and supplemented, restructured presentation of the material is given in accordance with the needs of the teacher and student on the experience of the educational process at MGIMO (U) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia and Moscow State University named after M.V. Lomonosov. The book is reinforced with methodological appendices (chronology, index), the text gives definitions to key concepts.

The textbook retains a systematic approach to the study of the history of international relations, emphasizes the development and gradual degradation of the Yalta-Potsdam order, the consequences of the collapse of the USSR and the formation of a new world order. The development of the situation in regional subsystems - in Europe, East Asia, the Near and Middle East, in Latin America is also considered. In the period after 1991, priority attention is paid to Russia's foreign policy.

The publication is addressed to a wide range of readers, primarily students, undergraduates and graduate students who are preparing for the exam on the history of international relations, as well as everyone who is interested in the history of Russian foreign policy.

Format: pdf

The size: 52 MB

Download: yandex.disk

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Foreword 7
Introduction 12
Section I FORMATION OF THE BIPOLAR SYSTEM (1945-1953)
Chapter 1. Main features of the Yalta-Potsdam order (Yalta-Potsdam system) 15
Chapter 2. Formation of the foundations of world economic and political regulation after World War II 19
Chapter 3. Decisions of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition on the German question in 1945 24
Chapter 4. Foreign policy strategy of the USSR after the war. Ideology and Reality 28
Chapter 5. The first crises of the Cold War (Greece, Turkey, Iran) 30
Chapter 6. The origin of the concept of "containment of the USSR" and its formalization in the "Truman Doctrine" 35
Chapter 7. The situation in Central and Eastern Europe after World War II 38
Chapter 8. The fall of the colonial system in Southeast Asia 47
Chapter 9. The German question in 1946-1947. and peace treaties with Germany's former allies in Europe 50
Chapter 10. The emergence of India and Pakistan. First Indo-Pakistani War 53
Chapter 11. The Palestinian problem after World War II and the formation of the State of Israel 57
Chapter 12. The Marshall Plan and Its International Political Significance 61
Chapter 13. Communization of Central and Eastern Europe by the end of the 1940s 66
Chapter 14. The emergence of security structures in the West (1947-1949) (Western European Union, NATO) 74
Chapter 15. “The first Berlin crisis” and its international significance 78
Chapter 16: The Education of the PRC and the Split in China: 82
Chapter 17. Consolidation of the split in Germany: the formation of the FRG and the GDR 87
Chapter 18. The beginning of European integration: the ECSC and the Pleven plan. The problem of Germany's inclusion in Western security structures 88
Chapter 19. Prospects for the national-communist revolution in Asia. The Korean War and Its International Consequences 93
Chapter 20. Preparation of the San Francisco Conference and its results 100
Section II CONTRADICTIONS OF THE BIPOLAR SYSTEM: OFFENSIVE STRATEGIES AND PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE (1953-1962)
Chapter 21. Development of new approaches of the USSR in foreign policy after the change of power. Anti-communist demonstrations in the GDR 107
Chapter 22. The concept of "discarding communism". Its political and military components 112
Chapter 23. Creation of the ATS and Germany's entry into NATO (1955) 116
Chapter 24. Bandung and Belgrade conferences. Asian-African Solidarity Movement and Non-Aligned Movement 120
Chapter 25. The concept of "peaceful coexistence" and the crisis in the socialist community 123
Chapter 26 The Suez Crisis and Its International Consequences 132
Chapter 27. Treaty of Rome and the creation of the EEC. Integration processes in Western Europe 135
CHAPTER 28 The Second Berlin Crisis. Soviet-American Relations ... 138
Chapter 29. The concept of flexible response 145
Chapter 30. Caribbean crisis and its international consequences 149
Section III FIRST STAGE OF CONFRONTATION STABILITY: DISCHARGE AND STABILIZATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM (1962-1975)
Chapter 31. The emergence of confrontational stability in the 1960s. Arms Control Negotiations 1963-1968 155
Chapter 32. The turn of France and Germany to the East. France's withdrawal from the NATO military organization and the "new eastern policy" of Germany .... 162
Chapter 33. The contradictions of Western European integration and the first expansion of the EEC 170
Chapter 34. Middle East conflict in 1967-1973. and the first "oil shock" 174
Chapter 35. The situation within the socialist community in the 1960s. Events in Czechoslovakia in 1968 and the "doctrine of socialist internationalism" 185
Chapter 36: Soviet-American Agreements 1969-1974 191
Chapter 37. The Soviet-Chinese conflict in the 1960s. China's place in the world in the 1960s - early 1970s 197
Chapter 38. Normalization of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Japan and the position of the USSR on the issue of the 1956 Joint Declaration .. 204
Chapter 39. Pan-European process and the main provisions of the Helsinki Act 208
Chapter 40. The US Vietnam War and Its International Consequences (1965-1973) 216
Section IV SECOND STAGE OF CONFRONTATION STABILITY: DISCHARGE CRISIS AND RESUME OF BIPOLAR CONFRONTATION (1975-1985)
Chapter 41. Formation of mechanisms of world political regulation in the conditions of the "energy crisis" (1973-1974). World petrodollar cycle 225
Chapter 42. Creation of a network of partnership relations between the USSR and African countries. Expansion of the military-political presence of the USSR in the world 230
Chapter 43. Human rights issues and their impact on Soviet-American relations and the general European process ... 236
Chapter 44. The role of Vietnam in Indochina. Conflicts between China and Vietnam, Cambodia conflict 243
Chapter 45. Formation of "triangular" relations between the USSR-USA-China and the situation in East Asia at the end of the 1970s 247
Chapter 46. Formation of a special foreign policy line of the countries of South-East Asia: neutralism and economic regionalism 250
Chapter 47. Conflicts over Palestine and Lebanon 256
Chapter 48. Escalation of conflicts in the Middle East: Iran and Afghanistan in 1977-1980. Foreign interference problem 263
Chapter 49. The collapse of detente and the NATO “double solution” 271
Chapter 50. Conflicts within the zones of influence of the superpowers: the Polish crisis and the Central American conflict 275
Chapter 51. US foreign policy approaches in the first half of the 1980s. Foreign policy strategy of the USSR 280
Chapter 52. A new round of the arms race and the economic and ideological depletion of the USSR 287
Section V DECAY OF THE BIPOLAR SYSTEM (1985-1996)
Chapter 53. New political thinking and international relations of the Soviet Union 294
Chapter 54. The pan-European process and the change in the attitude of the USSR to human rights issues 298
Chapter 55: The Roll Back of Soviet Foreign Policy Activity: Resolving the Central American, Afghan and African Conflicts 302
Chapter 56. The new policy of the USSR in East Asia 308
Chapter 57. Mikhail Gorbachev's Doctrine of Non-intervention and Anti-Communist Revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe 313
Chapter 58. The complex of international agreements on disarmament (RIAC, CFE, START-1) 321
Chapter 59. International consequences of the self-destruction of the USSR and the emergence of the CIS 325
Chapter 60. Middle East peace settlement in the late 1980s - first half of the 1990s 335
Chapter 61: Accelerating European Integration: The Maastricht Treaty 341
Chapter 62. Conflicts in the post-socialist space: the collapse of Yugoslavia and civil War in Afghanistan 344
Chapter 63. Formation of the CIS. The problem of the nuclear legacy of the USSR 352
Chapter 64. Conflicts in Tajikistan, Transcaucasia and Moldova 357
Chapter 65. The concept of "expanding democracy". The UN crisis and mechanisms of informal regulation of international relations 371
Chapter 66. Russian-American relations in the 1990s. Conflict in Bosnia and the first NATO intervention in the Balkans 375
Section VI FORMATION OF A UNIPOLAR WORLD (1996-2008)
Chapter 67. Globalization and Humanitarian Intervention 385
Chapter 68. Changes in Russia's international positions in connection with the first NATO enlargement 392
Chapter 69. Freezing conflicts on the territory of the CIS 396
Chapter 70. Conflict in the Serbian province of Kosovo and the second NATO intervention in the Balkans, inter-ethnic conflict in Macedonia 404
Chapter 71. Problems around the CFE Treaty, Russia-NATO relations and the growing disagreements on the problem of creating a missile defense system in Europe 410
Chapter 72. Caucasian knot of conflict: Chechnya, Russian-Georgian relations and the "five-day war" of August 2008 419
Chapter 73. Deepening Russian-Chinese cooperation and the development of the SCO 427
Chapter 74. Development of conflicts in the Middle East and South Asia 430
Chapter 75. Religious extremism and transnational terrorism. September 2001 events in the USA 440
Chapter 76. Integration trends in the Northern and South America 445
Chapter 77. The third and fourth enlargement of the EU and the development of European integration in the 2000s 457
Chapter 78: The situation on the Korean Peninsula 464
Chapter 79. American strategy of "regime change" and the change in the situation in the Persian Gulf as a result of the destruction of Saddam Hussein's regime 470
Application. Timeline 478
Author Index 510
Recommended Sites 519

Qualifications and education

	professor; academic title awarded on January 21, 1999 at the Department of International Relations and Russian Foreign Policy (MGIMO MFA of Russia)
	doctor of Political Science; scientific degree awarded on May 17, 1996 (Institute of the USA and Canada, RAS) on special. " political issues international systems and global development ". Dissertation topic:" Confrontation and stability in relations between the USSR and Russia with the United States in East Asia after the Second World War (1945-1995) ".
	candidate of Historical Sciences; uch. degree awarded to Specialization. Council of the Institute of the Far East of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR on November 16, 1983 on spec. "history of international relations". Thesis topic: "The problem of providing energy resources in the foreign policy of Japan in the 70s-80s."
	postgraduate studies at the Institute of the Far East of the USSR Academy of Sciences
	faculty of International Relations, Moscow State. Institute of International Relations of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MGIMO) with a specialization in Japanese foreign policy

Honorary titles and awards

Badge of Honor of the Security Council of the Russian Federation (2012)

Honored Scientist of the Russian Federation (2009)

Diplomatic rank -1st class advisor

Foreign languages- English, Japanese, German

Basic professional experience

30 years of experience in analysis and research forecasting of international relations, US and Russian foreign and domestic policy; preparation of operational and analytical materials for political structures (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, State Duma, President's Office, Security Council, Federal Grid Company, Defense Ministry, General Staff Office, State Council of the Russian Federation);
18 years of experience in scientific and pedagogical work in higher educational institutions in Russia and the United States;
18 years of experience in administrative work in public research and educational institutions;
15 years of experience in managing international educational and scientific programs in non-state structures;
10 years of experience in professional political journalism and political analysis in the media system
8 years of experience in individual operational and analytical support and consulting for public and political figures;

Specialization

political analysis, theory and history of international relations, contemporary international politics, foreign and domestic policy of Russia, Russian-American relations, the situation in East Asia.

Publications

More than 200 author's publications in scientific and scientific journalistic press, including four individual monographs and 20 chapters and sections in collective works published in Russia, USA, Japan, Germany, France, South Korea, Italy. Common volume of individual publ. - about 200 pp.

Title editing of more than 20 collective works and collections with a total volume of more than 250 pp.

Awards and grants

	Prize to them. E.V. Tarle of the Russian Academy of Sciences "For outstanding achievements in research world history and international relations ”. Awarded for the four-volume work “Systemic history of international relations. Events and documents. 1918-2003 "(M., 2000-2004).
2000, 2002, 2005	A series of grants from the MacArthur Foundation (USA) for holding winter and summer methodological schools on international relations in the regions of Russia
	Annual prize of the journal "International Affairs" for publications on international relations in 1994-1995;
	Research grant from the Institute for Peace (USA) for the development of problems of Russian identity;
	IREX Scholarship for Research on International Security Issues. Columbia University, A. Harriman Institute (USA).
	Honorary Prize of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the report "Russia is returning: a new concept of Russian foreign policy", presented to the open competition of scientific developments of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs (together with M.M. Kozhokin and K.V. Pleshakov)

Scientific and pedagogical work

	vice-Rector of MGIMO, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia
	dean of the Faculty of Political Science, Moscow State Institute of International Relations
	professor at Moscow State University MV Lomonosova (Faculty of World Politics)
	head Department of Applied Analysis of International Problems, MGIMO, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia
	professor of the Department of International Relations, Moscow State Institute of International Relations (part-time);
	professor and Head of the Master's Degree at the Faculty of International Relations, MGIMO, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia
	associate Professor, Department of International Relations, MGIMO, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia (part-time)
	lecturer at the Diplomatic Academy of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs (part-time)

Research career

	deputy Director of the Institute for International Security Problems of the Russian Academy of Sciences;
	chief Researcher at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences;
	deputy Director of the Institute of the USA and Canada, RAS;
	chief researcher of the same Institute;
	expert of the Independent Institute of Socio-Historical Problems (NISIP) at the Faculty of History, Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov;
	head of the Department of US Eurasian Policy, Institute of the USA and Canada, RAS;
	head The Sector for Comparative Foreign Policy Studies of the same Institute;
	senior researcher at the same Institute;
	senior scientific sotr. Inst. Far East of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR;
	trainee, junior scientific sotr. the same institute;
	senior laboratory assistant at MGIMO of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Research and teaching abroad

sep 2003 - June 2004	visiting Fellow, Brookings Institution, USA
july - Aug 1997	visiting Professor, Columbia University, USA, School of International and Political Science, course "Relations between Russia and the West after the end of the confrontation"
may - July 1994	visiting Associate Professor, Columbia University, USA, School of International and Political Science, Russian Foreign Policy Course;
	visiting Associate Professor, Princeton University, School of Political and International Studies. Woodrow Wilson, International Course relations and foreign policy of Russia and the CIS countries
	visiting Scholar, Harriman Institute at Columbia University, USA

Work in the private sector

	editor-in-chief of the journal "International Processes" (http://www.intertrends.ru/)
	director of the NKP "Scientific and Educational Forum on International Relations" (http://www.obraforum.ru/)
	director of the Center for Convertible Education of the consortium of the Moscow Public Science Foundation, the MacArthur Foundation and the Ford Foundation
	director for Scientific and Organizational Issues, NGO "Moscow Public Science Foundation"
	vice President of the NGO "Russian Science Foundation"

Political journalism

2003-2006 presenter of the column "Nezavisimaya Gazeta" (http://www.ng.ru/)
1998-2002 political columnist for the weekly newspaper "Vek"

Other experience in administrative work and departmental consulting

1997-2003, 2006-present	member of the Dissertation Council of MGIMO of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia
	member of the Dissertation Council of the Institute for International Security Problems of the Russian Academy of Sciences
	member of the Dissertation Council of the Institute of the USA and Canada, RAS
	member of the Academic Council of the Institute of the USA and Canada, RAS
	member of the editorial board "Pro et Contra"
	member of the editorial board "USA and Canada: EPK"
sep-Dec. 2000	member of the Working Group of the State Council of the Russian Federation on proposals for the system of state power and administration in the Russian Federation
	member of the editorial board of the yearbook "Japan"
	member of the Specialized Council of the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation for the defense of candidate dissertations;
	member of the Scientific Advisory Council of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs for Asia and the Pacific;
	member of the Academic Council of the Institute of the Far East of the USSR Academy of Sciences;
	chairman of the Council of Young Scientists of the Institute of the Far East of the USSR Academy of Sciences

Social work

1998 - Member of the Council of Founders of the Russian-Japanese Committee of the XXI century.
1994-1997 - Member of the Central Board of the Association of Japanese Studies of Russia;
1985-1990 - Member of the Board of the USSR-Japan Society.

Personal data
Born on May 24, 1954 in Nalchik (Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, Russia), Russian, citizen of Russia, married

Address
Official: 119454, Moscow, Vernadsky Avenue. 76. MGIMO MFA of Russia

Biobibliographic data
included in the following publications and electronic databases:

Faces of Russia. Russia 2000. Modern Political History. 1985-2000. M .: RAU-University, 2000. In two volumes. Resp. ed. A.I. Podberezkin T. 2, p. 109.http: //www.srvl.nasledie.ru/
International research in Russia and the CIS. Directory. Comp. Yu.K. Abramov, A.I.Agayants, A.D. Voskresensky, A.A. Kasyanova. M .: Moscow worker, 1999, p. 173-174.
Encyclopedia of Russian-American Relations. Comp. E.A. Ivanyan. M., 2001.S. 86
Bibliographic Dictionary of Russian Orientalists. Comp. S.D. Miliband. 2nd ed. T. 1.M .: Nauka, 1995, p. 169.
Database of the Ministry of Education of the Russian Federation http://www.humanities.edu/
Database Russian Association international studies http://www.rami.ru/
Internet encyclopedia "Wikipedia" http://ru.wikipedia.org
Japanese Studies in Europe. Japanese Studies Series XXXII. Vol. I, Directory of Japan Specialists. Tokyo: Japan Foundation, 1999, p. 279.
Who Is Who In the Japanese Studies. Russia and East-Central Europe. Tokyo: Japan Foundation, 1985.

Academic Educational Forum on International Relations

Moscow Public Science Foundation

Institute of the USA and Canada Russian Academy ot Sciences

School of Woffd Politics State University of Humanities

Scientific and educational forum

On international relations

Moscow Public Science Foundation Institute of the USA and Canada RAS

Faculty of World Politics State University humanities

SYSTEMIC HISTORY

OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

IN FOUR VOLUMES

SYSTEM

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

IN FOUR VOLUMES 1918-2000

Volume two

DOCUMENTS

1910-1940s

Edited by Prof. Dr. Alexei D. Bogaturov

Edited by

the doctorspolitically * sciences, professorsA. D. Bogatyreva

"Moskovsky rabochy" 2000

"Moscow worker" 2000

Systemic history of international relations in four volumes. Events and documents. 1918-2000. Resp. ed. A.D. Bogaturov. Volume two. Documents of the 1910-1940s. Comp. A.V. Malgin. M .: Moscow worker, 2000.243 p.

SECTION I. COMPLETION OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

Compiled by

A. V. Malyin

The second volume is compiled as a documentary illustration of the history of international relations and foreign policy of Russia and the USSR from the final stage of the First World War to the victory of the United Nations over Germany and Japan in 1945. The collection includes documents that were published in the Soviet Union in different years in open editions and collections of limited distribution, as well as materials from foreign publications. In the latter case, the cited texts are translated into Russian by A.V. Malgin (documents 87, 94-97).

The publication is addressed to researchers and teachers, students, graduate students of humanitarian universities and everyone who is interested in the history of international relations, diplomacy and foreign policy of Russia.

Published with the support of the MacArthur Foundation

Scientific and auxiliary work on the manuscript was done by E.N. Orlova Computer typesetting by N.V. Sokolova

1. Declaration of Russia, France and Great Britain on the non-conclusion of a separate peace, signed in London * August 23 (September 5) 1914

[Commissioners; Of Russia- Benckendorf, FranceP. Cambon, UK- Gray.]

The undersigned, being duly authorized by their respective Governments, make the following declaration:

The governments of Russia, France and Great Britain mutually undertake not to conclude a separate peace during this war.

The three Governments agree that when the time comes to negotiate peace terms, no Allied Power will set any peace terms without the prior consent of each of the other Allies.

2. Note ^ of the Minister of Foreign Affairs

Of the Provisional Russian Government P. N. Milyukov

Presented through Russian representatives

Allied Powers

On March 27 of this year, the interim government published an appeal to citizens, which contains an exposition of the views of the government of a free Russia on the tasks of a real war. The Minister of Foreign Affairs instructs me to inform you of the above document and make the following remarks.

Our enemies have recently tried to bring discord betweenduo-allied relationship, spreading absurd rumors that Rosthis is ready to conclude a separate peace with the middle monarchies. The text of the enclosed document best refutes such fabrications. You will see from it that the temporarythe government general provisions consistent with those highideas that were constantly expressed until the very lastmany times eminent statesmen

ISBN 5-89554-139-9

Japan acceded to this agreement by a note signed by London Inoue on October 6/19, 1914; Italy - November 8/21, 1915

Section I, End of World War I

Allied countries and which have found themselves particularly vividly expressed by our new ally, the great transatlantic republic, in the speeches of its president. The government of the old regime, of course, was not able to assimilate and share these thoughts about the liberating nature of the war, about creating solid foundations for the peaceful coexistence of peoples, about the self-determination of oppressed nationalities, etc.

But liberated Russia can now speak in a language that is understandable for the advanced democracies of modern mankind, and she is in a hurry to add her voice to those of her allies. The statements of the interim government, imbued with this new spirit of liberated democracy, of course, cannot give the slightest reason to think that the coup d'état has led to a weakening of Russia's role in the common allied struggle. Quite the opposite, there is a popular desire to bring world war until the decisive victory only intensified, thanks to the consciousness of the common responsibility of each and every one. This desire has become more real, being focused on a common and obvious task - to poison the enemy who invaded the very borders of our homeland. It goes without saying, as it is said in the reported document, the interim government, protecting the rights of our homeland, will fully comply with the obligations assumed in relation to our allies. Continuing to have full confidence in the victorious end of this war, in full agreement with the Allies, it is absolutely confident that the issues raised by this war will be resolved in the spirit of creating a solid foundation for a lasting peace and that advanced democracies imbued with the same aspirations will find a way to achieve those guarantees and the sanctions needed to prevent more bloody clashes in the future.

3. Message from the Provisional Russian Government

Transferred to the ambassadors of the allied powers

In view of the doubts that have arisen about the interpretation of the Foreign Minister's note accompanying the transfer of the interim government's declaration on the tasks of the war [of March 27 (April 9)] to the Allied governments, the interim government considers it necessary to clarify:

Foreign Minister's note was the subject of a thorough
long and lengthy discussion of the interim government,
moreover, its text was adopted unanimously.
It goes without saying that this note, speaking of decisive
victory over the enemy, means the achievement of those tasks that

were set by the declaration on March 27 and expressed in the following words: “The Provisional Government considers it its right and duty to declare now that the goal of a free Russia is not domination over other peoples, not taking away their national property from them, not the violent seizure of foreign territories, but the establishment of a lasting peace based on the self-determination of peoples. The Russian people do not seek to strengthen their external might at the expense of other peoples; he does not set as his goal anyone's enslavement and humiliation. In the name of the higher principles of justice, they removed the shackles that lay on the Polish people. But the Russian people will not allow their homeland to emerge from the great struggle humiliated and undermined in its vitality ”...

3. By the "sanctions and" guarantees "of a lasting peace mentioned in the note, the interim government meant arms limitation, international tribunals, etc.

4. Appeal of the Petrograd Soviet

Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies *

Comrades! The Russian revolution was born in the flames of the world war. This war is a monstrous crime by the imperialists of all countries, by its greed for seizures, by its insane leap towards arms, preparing and making inevitable a world conflagration. Whatever the vicissitudes of military happiness, the imperialists of all countries are equally victors in this war: the war has given and continues to give them monstrous profits, accumulates colossal capitals in their hands, endows them with unheard-of power over the individual, work and life of the working people. But this is precisely why the working people of all countries are equally defeated in this war.

On the altar of imperialism, they make countless sacrifices in their lives, their health, their condition, their freedom; unspeakable hardships fall on their shoulders. Russian revolution

the revolution of workers, workers and soldiers is not an uprising
only against the crimes of international imperialism. it
not only a national revolution, this is the first stage of the
lutia international, which will end the shame of war and
will restore peace to humanity. Russian revolution from the very moment
her birth, she was clearly aware of the international
native task. Its authorized body is the Petrograd Soviet
R. and S.D. - in his appeal of March 14/27, he called upon the peoples

This document reflects the balance of power in the Petrosovet, where the Socialist-Revolutionary and Menshevik parties had the majority.

8 Systemic history of international relations. 1910-1940s. Documents

The whole world unite to fight for peace. The revolutionary democracy of Russia does not want a separate peace that would free the hands of the Austro-German union. She knows that such a peace would be a betrayal of the cause of the workers' democracy of all countries, which would find itself bound hand and foot before the world of triumphant imperialism. She knows that such a peace could lead to the military defeat of other countries and thus strengthen the triumph of the ideas of chauvinism and revenge in Europe for many years, leave her in the position of an armed camp, as she was after the Frank-Prussian war of 18/0 it is inevitable to prepare a new bloody battle in the near future. The revolutionary democracy of Russia wants a universal peace on a basis acceptable to the working people of all countries who do not seek seizures, do not seek plunder, who are equally interested in the free expression of the waves of all peoples and in crushing the might of international imperialism. A world without annexations and indemnities on the basis of the self-determination of peoples - this formula, taken without second thoughts by the proletarian mind and heart, provides a platform on which the working people of all countries, at war and neutral, can, on which they must come together, in order to establish a lasting peace and heal their wounds by joint efforts inflicted by the bloody war. The provisional government of revolutionary Russia adopted this platform. And the revolutionary democracy of Russia appeals first of all to you, the socialists of the allied powers. You must not allow the voice of the Russian provisional government to remain alone in the alliance of the Concord powers. You must force your governments to declare decisively and definitely that the platform for a world without annexation and indemnity based on the self-determination of peoples is their platform. By doing this, you will give the proper weight and strength to the speech of the Russian government. You will give our revolutionary army, which has written “peace among nations” on its banner, confidence that its bloody sacrifices will not be misused. You will give her the opportunity with all the ardor of revolutionary enthusiasm to carry out the combat missions that fall to her lot. You will strengthen her belief that, while defending the gains of the revolution and our freedom, she is at the same time fighting for the interests of all international democracy and thus will contribute to the speedy onset of the desired peace. You will confront the governments of hostile countries with the need to either decisively and irrevocably abandon the policy of seizure, robbery and violence, or openly confess to your crimes and thus bring down the just anger of your peoples on their heads. The revolutionary democracy of Russia also appeals to you, the socialists of the Austro-German union. You cannot allow the troops of your governments to become the executioners of Russian freedom. You cannot allow your governments to take advantage of the joyful mood of freedom and brotherhood that gripped the revolutionary Russian army.

Section I. End of the First World War

Troops on the western front to first destroy France, then rush to Russia and, in the end, strangle you and the entire international proletariat in the world embrace of imperialism. The revolutionary democracy of Russia addresses the socialists of the belligerent and neutral countries with an appeal to prevent the triumph of the imperialists. Let the cause of peace, begun by the Russian revolution, be carried through to the end by the efforts of the international proletariat. To combine these efforts, the Petrograd Soviet of R. and S.D. decided to take the initiative to convene international conference all socialist parties and factions of all countries; Whatever the differences that have been tearing socialism apart during the three years of war, not a single faction of the proletariat should refuse to participate in the common struggle for the peace that has been placed on the order of the Russian revolution. We are confident, comrades, that we will see representatives of all socialist groups at the conference we are convening.

The unanimous resolution of the proletarian International will be the first victory of the working people over the capitalist international.

Workers of all countries, unite!

5. From the declaration of the Provisional Russian Government of May 5/18, 1917

Jo foreign policy, the provisional government, rejecting, in full agreement with all the people, a separate peace, openly sets as its goal the speedy conclusion of a universal peace, which does not have the task of either domination over other peoples, or depriving them of their national property, or forcibly seizing foreign territories, - a world without annexations and indemnities, based on the self-determination of peoples. In the firm belief that with the fall of the tsarist regime in Russia and the establishment of democratic principles in domestic and foreign policy for the union democracies a new factor of striving for lasting peace and brotherhood of peoples was created, the interim government is taking preparatory steps to an agreement with the allies on the basis of the declaration of the interim government of 27 March (April 9).

2. In the conviction that the defeat of Russia and its allies would not only be the source of the greatest calamities for the peoples, but would also postpone or make it impossible to conclude a general peace on the basis indicated above, the provisional government firmly believes that the revolutionary army of Russia will not allow the German the troops defeated our allies and fell upon us with all the force of their weapons. Strengthening the beginnings of the democratization of the army, organizing and strengthening its combat strength both in defensive and offensive actions, will be the most important task of the interim government.

Systemic hysteria internationalrelationships. 1910-1940s. Documents

SectionI... End of the First World Warwars

6. Decree on Peace, adoptedII All-Russian * Congress of Soviets on October 26 (November 8) 1917

Peace decree

The workers' and peasants' government, created by the October 24-25 revolution and based on the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, invites all the belligerent peoples and their governments to start immediately negotiations on a just democratic peace.

A just or democratic peace, which the overwhelming majority of the exhausted, exhausted and war-torn workers and working classes of all the belligerent countries yearn for - a peace that the Russian workers and peasants demanded in the most definite and insistent way after the overthrow of the tsarist monarchy - such a peace the government considers an immediate peace without annexations (i.e., without the seizure of foreign lands, without the forcible annexation of foreign peoples) and without indemnities.

The Russian government proposes to conclude such a peace for all the belligerent peoples immediately, expressing its readiness to take all decisive steps immediately without the slightest delay, until the final approval of all the conditions of such a peace by the plenipotentiary assemblies of the people's representatives of all countries and all nations.

Under the annexation or seizure of foreign lands, the government understands, in accordance with the legal consciousness of democracy in general and of the working classes in particular. "Any affiliation to a large or strong state of a small or weak nationality without precisely, clearly and voluntarily expressed consent and desire of this nationality, regardless of when This forcible annexation is complete, regardless of how developed or backward the nation forcibly annexed or forcibly held within the borders of a given state is, regardless of whether this nation lives in Europe or in distant overseas countries.

If any nation is held within the boundaries of a given state by violence, if, contrary to the desire expressed on its part, it does not matter whether this desire is expressed in the press, in popular assemblies, in party decisions or in indignations and uprisings against national oppression, - the right is not granted by a free vote, with the complete withdrawal of the army of an annexing or generally stronger nation, to resolve without the slightest compulsion the question of the forms of state existence of this nation, then its annexation is annexation, i.e. capture and violence.

To continue this war over how to divide the weak peoples captured by them between the strong and rich nations,

Written by V.I. Lenin.

The government considers it the greatest crime against humanity and solemnly declares its determination to immediately sign the terms of a peace ending this war on the conditions indicated, equally fair for all without excluding the nationalities.

At the same time, the government declares that it does not at all consider the above conditions of peace as ultimatum, i.e. agrees to consider any other conditions of peace, insisting only on the fastest possible proposal of them by any belligerent country and on complete clarity, on the unconditional exclusion of any ambiguity and any mystery when proposing conditions "

Wii the world.

The government abolishes secret diplomacy, for its part expressing a firm intention to conduct all negotiations completely openly in front of the entire people, starting immediately to full publication of secret treaties confirmed or concluded by the government of landowners and capitalists from February to October 25, 1917. The entire content of these secret treaties, insofar as it is directed, as it was in most cases, to the provision of benefits and privileges to the Russian landowners and capitalists, to the retention or increase of the annexations of the Great Russians, the government declares unconditionally and immediately canceled.

Appealing with a proposal to the governments and peoples of all countries to begin immediately open negotiations for the conclusion of peace, the government expresses its readiness to conduct these negotiations both through written communications, by telegraph, and through negotiations between representatives different countries or at a conference of such representatives. To facilitate such negotiations, the government appoints a plenipotentiary representative to neutral countries.

The government invites all governments and peoples of all the belligerent countries to immediately conclude an armistice, and for its part considers it desirable that this armistice be concluded for at least 3 months, i.e. for such a period during which it is quite possible as the completion of peace negotiations with the participation of representatives of all without excluding nationalities, or nations drawn into the war or forced to participate in it,

The four-volume edition presents the first attempt after the collapse of the USSR to comprehensively study the history of international relations in the last eight decades of the 20th century. The odd volumes of the publication are devoted to the analysis of the events of world political history, and the even ones contain the basic documents and materials necessary in order to get a more complete picture of the events and facts described.
The second volume is compiled as a documentary illustration of the history of international relations and foreign policy of Russia and the USSR from the final stage of the First World War to the victory of the United Nations over Germany and Japan in 1945. The collection includes documents that were published in the Soviet Union in different years in open editions and collections of limited distribution, as well as materials from foreign publications. In the latter case, the cited texts are translated into Russian by A.V. Malgin (documents 87, 94-97). The publication is addressed to researchers and teachers, students, graduate students of humanitarian universities and everyone who is interested in the history of international relations, diplomacy and foreign policy of Russia.

Section I. COMPLETION OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR.

1. Declaration of Russia, France and Great Britain on the non-conclusion of a separate peace, signed in London on August 23 (September 5)
1914 1
[Representatives: Russia - Benckendorf, France - P. Cambon, Great Britain - Gray.]
The undersigned, being duly authorized by their respective Governments, make the following declaration:
The governments of Russia, France and Great Britain mutually undertake not to conclude a separate peace during this war.
The three Governments agree that when the time comes to negotiate peace terms, no Allied Power will set any peace terms without the prior consent of each of the other Allies.

2. Note of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Russian Government P.N. Milyukov dated April 18 (May 1) 1917 on the tasks of the war, delivered through Russian representatives to the Allied Powers
On March 27 of this year, the interim government published an appeal to citizens, which contains an exposition of the views of the government of a free Russia on the tasks of a real war. The Minister of Foreign Affairs instructs me to inform you of the above document and make the following remarks.

Our enemies have recently been trying to bring discord into inter-union relations, spreading absurd rumors that Russia is ready to conclude a separate peace with the middle monarchies. The text of the attached document best refutes such fabrications. You will see from it that the general provisions expressed by the interim government are fully consistent with those lofty ideas that have been constantly expressed until very recently by many prominent statesmen of the allied countries and who have found themselves especially vividly expressed by our new ally, the great trans-Atlantic republic, in speeches its president. The government of the old regime, of course, was not able to assimilate and share these thoughts about the liberating nature of the war, about creating solid foundations for peaceful coexistence of peoples, about the self-determination of oppressed nationalities, etc.
But liberated Russia can now speak in a language that is understandable for the advanced democracies of modern mankind, and she is in a hurry to add her voice to the voices of her allies. The statements of the interim government, imbued with this new spirit of liberated democracy, of course, cannot give the slightest reason to think that the coup d'état has led to a weakening of Russia's role in the common allied struggle. Quite the opposite, the nationwide desire to bring the world war to a decisive victory has only intensified thanks to the awareness of the common responsibility of each and every one. This aspiration has become more real, being focused on the close to all and obvious task - to repel the enemy invading the very borders of our homeland. It goes without saying, as it is said in the reported document, the interim government, protecting the rights of our homeland, will fully comply with the obligations assumed in relation to our allies. Continuing to harbor full confidence in the victorious end of this war, in full agreement with the Allies, it is absolutely confident that the issues raised by this war will be resolved in the spirit of creating a solid foundation for a lasting peace and that advanced democracies imbued with the same aspirations will find a way to achieve those guarantees and the sanctions needed to prevent further bloody clashes in the future.

Section I. COMPLETION OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR
Section II. THE INITIAL STAGE OF POST-WAR REGULATION (1919 - 1922)
Section III. FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE WASHINGTON ORDER IN EAST ASIA
Section IV. STATUS QUO AND REVOLUTIONARY TRENDS (1922 - 1931)
Section V. INCREASING INSTABILITY IN EUROPE (1932 - 1937)
Section VI. DESTRUCTION OF THE WASHINGTON ORDER
Section VII. CRISIS AND DECAY OF THE VERSAILLES ORDER (1937 - 1939)
Section VIII. SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE FOUNDATION OF POST-WAR SETTLEMENT
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